Knox College Struggle and Progress-African Americans in Knox County, Illinois (Knox College)
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A Hero home from the war: among the black citizens of Galesburg, Illinois, 1860-1880
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TitleA Hero home from the war: among the black citizens of Galesburg, Illinois, 1860-1880
DescriptionDetails the experiences of a company of African American soldiers who enlisted in the 54th Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry and fought in the U.S. Civil War. The narrative features the life of Joseph Barquet, both during the War and afterwards during the reconstruction period in Galesburg, Illinois.
SubjectVeterans
Civil wars
Named PersonBarquet, Joseph;
AuthorMuelder, Hermann R.
PublisherGalesburg, Illinois : Knox College Library
Date Created (original)1987
TypeText
Formatpdf
IdentifierMain Stacks F549.G15 M8
Languageeng
RightsSee http://library.knox.edu/digitalcollections/rightsinfo.htm
CollectionStruggle and Progress-African Americans in Knox County, Illinois (Knox College)
TranscriptII
"
• -­A
HERO HOME FROM THE WAR
Amohg. the Black Citizens of Galesburg, Illinois
• f 1860-1880
. b
, Y
Hermann R. Muelder
Galesburg, Illinois
Knox College Library
49
1987 '. .615
8 ..
Among the Black Citizens of Galesburg, Illinois
1860·1880
By Hermann R. Muelder
Galesburg, Illinois Knox College Library 1987 2
AN ODE IN TIME OF HESITATION
(After seeing at Boston the statue of Robert Gould Shaw.
killed while stonning Fort Wagner, July 18, 1863, at the head of the first enlisted negro regiment, the Fifty-fourth
Massachusetts.)
I
BEFORE the solenm bronze Saint Gaudens made
To thrill the heedless passer's heart with awe,
And set here in the city's talk and trade
To the good memory of Robert Shaw,
TItis bright March mom I stand,
And hear the distant spring come up the land;
Knowing that what I hear is not unheard
Of this boy soldier and his negro band,
For all their gaze is fixed so stem ahead,
For all the fatal rhythm of their tread.
The land they died to save from death and shame
Trembles and waits, hearing the spring's great name,
And by her pangs these resolute ghosts are stirred....
William Vaughn Moody 3
One marvels at the movement, freely forward, of the bronze soldiers in St
Gaudens' sculpture about the Fifty-fourth Regiment of Massachusetts: What are they
moving into? To aooiitionists, an event in Boston, on May 28, 1863, signified the onward march
of their holy cause. On that day down State Street paraded the 54th regiment of the
Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
In Company H were twelve soldiers who had enlisted in Galesburg, lllinois.
This was no ordinary regiment, for all the enlisted men were "colored." It was not lost on observers along the way that these soldiers were marc;:hing along a street where ten
,
and a dozen years past, black men had been camed back to·their Southern masters under
the authority of the angrily disputed Fugitive Slave Law.! There had been in 1854 the case ofAnthony Burns, who had been taken to the ship that transported him to bondage with the escort of "the entire military strength ofthe county, with loaded muskets and cannon loaded with grape at street comers, between rows of buildings draped in black."2
The threat of riot in Boston Streets had not first come from abolitionists. As the 54th Regiment marched to the music of John Brown's hymn. it was not yet three decades since a pro-slavery mob had dragged William Lloyd Garrison down a Boston street until he was rescued and jailed for his own safety. But now Ganison stood on the balcony of the home of Wendell Phillips and watched the black fighting men stride by. His hand rested
on a bust of John Brown} It was less than three years since John brown's "Provisional
Anny" ofeighteen men had pathetically aTtacked lite arsenal of the army ofthe United States at Harper's Ferry, Virginia. Some of Brown's "soldiers" had been black, and some of them had been white. four of them being fonner students at those notoriously abolitionist colleges in the West, Oberlin and Knox.4
There would be many such "colored regiments" raised before the battles were finished. Circumstances gave a mythological significance to this regiment, and made it symoolically the most important. Some of this enlarged meaning attended its very beginnings. Much of it, however, derived from the century of only partial "emancipation" that followed the dissolution of the regiment at the close of the war, finding expression in such extraordinary events as the St. Gauden's statue in 1897 or the poem about this statute by William Vaughn Moody, "Ode in a Time of Hesitation" in 1900. The publisher of the
history of this regiment, in 1891, had explained the special meaning of this particular army
unit: 4
.. .the men of the Fifty-founh .. represented more conspicuously, perhaps than any other colored regiment the political policy of emancipation into which the war forced us, and the interesting milital)' experience embodied in the organization, from
a mob of freed slaves, of a disciplined and effective army oftwo hundred thousand
men. Though it was not absolutely the first black regiment in the field, and though there were others which saw severe service, the early distinction won in the assault
on Wagner, together with the gallant death of Colonel Shaw on the ramparts, and his
burial with his black soldiers where they fell. created a wider and stronger interest in
the Fifty-fourth than any other colored regiment was fortunate enough to attract.
It was also the lot of the Fifty-fourth to bear the brunt of the slIUggle against the bitter injustice of inferior pay to which black troops were subjected, and the further slIUggle to secure for the enlisted men who earned it by intelligence and
bravery, the right to rise from the ranks and serve as officers.s
What brought men from Oberlin, Ohio and from Galesburg, minois to be enrolled in
this Massachusetts regiment and to assemble in a camp near Boston? For the men in
Galesburg the explanation was partly that their own stale delayed until the auDtmn of 1863
to recruit black soldiers,6 whereas in Massachusetts the governor had started to form a
regiment of blacks inunediately after the Emancipation Proclamation became effective on January I, 1863. A number of the roost prominent citizens ofthe Common-wealth were appointed to a "Black Committee" of 100 to oversee and sustain the raising of recruits.7
Garrison, Wendell Phillips, and Frederick Douglass spoke at gatherings to stimulate the
enlisanent.8 And such were not merely names from remote places to people in Galesburg.
Phillips bad been one ofthe lyceum lecturers brought to the city in 1856-57 by Gnothautii, one of the two Knox College literaty societies. The blacks in Galesburg cenainly must
have seen the fonner slave and great anti-stavery orator Frederick Douglass, when with his brother he spent more than a week in the town early in 1859.9 Two of Doilglass's sons
enlisted in the 54th regiment. The enlisting ofa son ofDouglass in Rochester, New YorklO exemplified the attraction ofmen beyond New England. The call for black soldiers for this Massachusetts
contingent was "published in a hundred journals from east to west" and Ita line of recruiting posts" was extended "from Boston to 51. Louis." The first three companies signed up came mostly from New England; the next four companies included large numbers from Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan. and Canada. Companies H. I, and K came largely from north and west of the Ohio River and when these were mustered on May 13. 1863 the regiment was completed. I I
Thirty men came from Illinois and all but two of thesel2 were in Company H and were enlisted during the last ten days of April, 1863. Except for one recruit, all of Company H were enlisted either in Chicago (seventeen soldiers) or in Galesburg.13 The 5
dozen enlistments at Galesburg all occurred on April 16, 1863. The company roster
identified nine of them as "laborers" one as a "hostler" one as a "barber" and one as a
"mason." All were single but ODe; two were nineteen years old; eight were in their early
twenties; one was thirty. The oldest"was Joseph R. Barque~ who was forty." He was
the mason and he was the one that was manied
After !be war people in Galesburg CItdited Joseph H. Barquet with having
"organized a company for the 54th Massachusetts colored infantry."IS According to the
census of 1860 Barquet had been born in North Carolina, though there was a notion locally
that he came from "Hayti." 16 He was the head of a household that included his wife (who
was born in Pennsylvania), three small children born in Dlinois, and (in 1860) a fourteen
year old girl born in North Carolina.17 Each of them was described by the census-taker as
"mulatto." Joseph Barquet conducted a business in brick laying, plastering and paper
hanging in partnership with AndIew Jackson PertecL
In the little community of about ninety black persons in Galesburg during !be last
year before the war, Barquet was a man ofconsiderable standing. He was secretary of the
"African Literary and Debating Society." In June of 1860 be had written to !be local
Republican newspaper protesting an instance ofschool discrimination in one of the small
towns in !be county:
...notwithstanding !be Teacher at Saluda milkes no objection, the children of Mr. Knox--a white man, by a mulatto woman are excluded from !be school. These childIen are so neatly white that !bey have to be pointed out from !be rest of the school. [Signed] J. H. Barquet"
Until the railroad changed the ethnic composition of !be college town, !be blilck childIen in Galesburg itself had gone to the common schools with white childIen. But as !be city grew with Irish, "Dutch" and Swedish immigrants and as, during !be sixties, blacks increased sevenfold in number, the ideals of the founders would also be tested. Some of them it should be noted, said that they would rather have their children go to schools with !be blacks, than with Irish and "Dutch" if that was !be cboice.19
Barquet became a sergeant in Company H. By mid-May of 1863 the 54th of Massachusetts was nearly ready. On !be 18th, William Lloyd Garrison, Wendel Phillips, Frederick Douglass and other DOIables appeared fO£!be presentation of !be regimentll flags. Of these there were four: !be national flag, !be state colors, a hanner that pictured !be Goddess of Liberty, and a fourth with a field of blue on which appeared a white cross, and !be motto: IN HOC SIGNO VINCES! The Governor closed his presentation with those words, meaning "In this sign conquer"! They recalled the-monogram that the first
= I
6

Christian Emperor ofthe Roman Empire had painted on the shields of his soldiers for a
battIe fifteen centuries earlier. And thus the holy cause of abolition became litcra1ly a
Crusade! &
It was also symbolic that this regiment should rust be sent for combat to South
Camlina, the cradle of the rebelling Confederacy. And here it was that on the first anniversary ofthe Emancipation Proclamation. on New Years Day of 1864, "the non-commissioned officers arranged for a celebration."
Joseph Barquet was the "Orator of the Day." Charleston was at the time under bombardment
The men formed and proceeded to the parade-gmund, where a dry goods box
covered with a rubber blanket was placed, to serve as a speaker's stand. Olaplain
Harrison offered a prayer and then introduced ... Sergeant Barquet of Company H.
Barquet was in high spirits, and began with the quotation, What means this sea of upturned faces: etc. The speaker had hardly warmed up to his work. when in the midst of a most impassioned harangue the dry-gocxls box caved in, carrying him down. Barquet. in no way disconcerted, from the wreck shouted out the well worn
gag! 'Gentlemen, I admire your principles, but damn your platform!' Mter the hilarity resulting from the discomfiture ofthe chief speaker had subsided, others
addressed the meeting with more or less effect In the evening the non­conunissioned officers had a supper in the large tent used to cover the
quartermaster's stores. Among the good things provided were baked beans and Indian pudding.20
It sbould not be thought army life was mostly such camp ritual. Within six weeks of the departure ~mBoston, the 54th had joined in the attack on the harbor defenses of Charleston, where in truth the war had begun. It was severely tested on July 18th, 1863, in a gallant but hopeless attack, near Charleston, on Fort Wagner. The fierce and bloody
charge against Confederate positions was repulsed, with the Union soldiers suffering
heavy casualties--the 54th enduring more losses than any other regiment in the assault. Their young Colonel, Roben Shaw, fen in the attack and was buried by the Confederates
in the common grave with his soldiers. The Southern commander, it was believed, denied him the special privileges of internment appropriate to his rank, as a show of contempt for
the black troops."
Already on July 16 two of the Galesburg soldiers had heen wounded on James Island, South Camlina; they were John Davis and Samuel WeUs. On the same day and at the same place a third, John Dickinson, had heen captured. Two more Galesburg soldiers
were wounded in the attack on Fen Wagner: Preston Williams and Henry Kirk. Kirk was also captured and with John Dickinson remained a prisoner of war until the war was
nearly over, both being exchanged on March 4, 1865 at Goldsboro, North Carolina. 22
'"=
-
7
When Kirk and Dickinson fell into Rebel hands, the fate of a black prisoner was grimly uncertain. During the time that the 54th was assembled and trained near Boston, the Confederate congress had enacted a law providing that Union ofiil:ers of black troops should, ifcaptured, be put to death or otherwise punished at the discretion ofa military court. To protect officers and men of black anny units, Lincoln in a special order of July 30, 1863, stated that the United States would give the same protection to citizens of whatever class, color or condition and warned "that for every soldier of the United States killed in violation of the laws of war, a rebel soldier shall be executed; and for every one enslaved by the enemy or sold into slavery. a rebel soldier shall be placed at hard labor on the public works and continued at such labor until the other shall be released and receive the treatment due to a prisoner of war."23
Concern over brutal treatment of black prisoners ofwar was recited in a song "Give Us a Flag" about the 54th Regiment, written soon after the battle of Fon Wagner. The third verse was sung as follows:
3. Old Jeff says he'll hang us if we dare to meet him armed,
A very big thing, but we are not ar all alarmed;
For he first has got to catch us before the way is clear,
And that is "what's the matter" with the colored volunteer.
The fourth verse was reassuring:
4. So rally, boys, rally, let us never mind the past;
We had a hard road to travel, but our day is coming fast
For God is for the right, and we have no need to fear,
The Union must be saved by the colored volunteer.24
For a time the 54th was dispatched for duty in Florida, where on March 6, 1864 Preston Williams was drowned, at Jacksonville. For the closing weeks of the war the regiment was back in South Carolina, where at Epps bridge, Joseph White was wounded on April 7, 1865. Thus when the regiment was finally mustered out on August 29, 1865, half of the Galesburg men in Company H had died or had been wounded, or imprisoned.2S
Meanwhile, in Galesburg, the number of blacks was increasing in much larger proportion than the community as a whole. Much of the increase came from fugitives from slave temtory, especially from Missouri,26 for in that border state the Emancipation
•.100II 8
Proclamation did not apply, and slavery was not abolished until 1865. To appreciate this
immigration of blacks it must be recalled that when the war broke out it was still a crime for a black, even a freedman. "to set his foot upon lllinois soil. "27 In 1862 this prescription against the entry of blacks was reaffmned when a constitutional amendment
was submitted to the people, and in 1863 the legislature would have enacted "new and
even more drastic guarantees against the impending immigration" had the governor not
prorogued the General Assembly.28 During that year blacks were convicted in several
courts in lllinois of living within the state contrary to the law and were "thereupon sold for their fines to the highest bidder."29 This law remained in force until the war was almost over, in 1865.30 One instance of such "barbarism" in lllinois was described and widely publicized in the American MjSSjODaty. the jomnalistic organ of the American Missionary Association, an abolitionist society with which trustees of Knox College and several
founders of Galesburg were identified. The incident occurted at Canhage, the seat of Hancock County, only seventy five miles from Galesburg. The American Missionary printed the offending notice ofthe sale offive men, in all its lurid detail.31
Under these circumstances the black fugitives "sougbt the more hospitable
atmosphere" of places known to be strong anti-slavery centers--cities such as
Galesburg.'2 By 1870 there were 630 blacks in Galesburg.33
Even before the war Galesburg had become the place where blacks from west­centrallllinois celebrated, during the first week of Augus~ "Emancipation Day." It occurted on the annlversary of the day in 1833 when the British Parliament had abolished slavery in the English West Indies. The railroads built into Galesburg during the middle fifties made it possible for celebrants from Peoria, Quincy, Burlington, and Chicago and points between, to join what became the most important festival on the "colored" calendar. In 1857 the spacious premises ofGeorge Washington Gale provided the site for this "Emancipation Day." And for at least a decade after the Civil War, this holiday was still honored by Galesburg blacks.34
They sang about how they would "steal away with Jesus"; about how they would at night follow the "drinking gourd in the sky" on the "underground railroad." They sang: "Go Down, Moses . . . Ten 01' Pharoah, To let my people go." They sang:
No more moaning. no more moaning.
No more moaning over me.
And before I'll be a slave,
I'll be buried in my grave,
And go home to my Lord and be free.35
9
They sang in plain, ordinary language which had blended with melodies whose meaning
was clear even ifonly the notes were hummed.
The adoption of the fifteenth amendment was celebrated in Galesburg on
April 2, 1870 ata "Colored Ratification Meeting." This festival, which included "colored
people" from nearby towns, began at ten in the morning. with a parade that started from the corner of Prairie and Main Streets and proceeded with the "utmost decorum and order"
through "the principal parts of the city." hnmediately behind the College City Cornet
Band, that headed the "cavalcade"
was a chariot containing twenty-nine ladies of color representing the states that
ratified: the amendment. They were neatly and appropriately costumed, and each one bore a small flag. on which the name of a state was inscribed. They made a really fine appearance--far better looking and much more lady-like in their depornnent than
those democratic females who formerly paraded the streets under the shadow of
''White Husband or None" banners. Following in their wake were wagons
containing the scholars of the Methodist Episcopal and Baptist Sabbath schools, 3.
while vehicles to the number of about twenty-five formed the remainder of the
equesttian portion of the cortege. Probably the most noticeable feature of the affair
was the military commanded by Captain Anderson Gash. The men kept step with
precision and handled their pieces fairly, evincing considerable knowledge in their
military evolutions.37
TIlls Republican description of the parade makes this funher observation, rather condescendingly. about Democratic spectators:
In every part of the city the procession met with words of encouragement and cheer, for, to the honor of our good city, let it be said that there are not enough democratic rowdies within the corporate limits to get up even the semblance of a
free fight.38
That evening an audience of both "colored and white people" filled Caledonia Hall.
The stage was decorated with flags, banners, evergreens, and ... in front the portraits of Grant, Sumner, Garrison and others, while on the stand was a beautiful
statue ofAbraham Lincoln,39
In addition to "Captain" Barquet, there were five other speakers, including the minister of the Universalist Church; the Congregational clergyman, Rev. Dr. Edward Beecher, a
trustee of Knox College; and the ever available local leader of the Republican party,
Galesburg post-master, Col. Clark E. Carr, who from 1851 to 1857 had been a Knox
student 10
The reality of this improvement in the status of blacks was also brought home to them when later that same year Senator Hiram Revels came back to Galesburg as a speaker for the lecture series offered by Gnothautii, a KnOx. College literary society. Revels was an alumnus of Knox College who was the first black man to be elected to the senate of the United. States. coming from the "reconstructed" state of Mississippi to occupy the seat in the United States Senate once occuped by Jefferson Davis! During Revel's stay in Galesburg. in 1870. he was feted by the blacks at a reception staged in one of the downtown fraternal halls.
In this "colored" community, Joseph Barquet, fonnerly sergeant-major of the famed Fifty-fourth Regiment of Massachusetts, was cenainly the most conspicuous and perhaps the most important leader. The local newspapers referred to him variously as "Captain" "Professor" "Mr." and "Esq."40 One wishes that information about him were not so fragmentary. He was the speaker scheduled during the holiday season of 1869 for both the "colored ball" on Christmas Eve41 and for the celebration on New Year's Eve. which it was announced would be a "most recherche affair" with supper and music.42 The following spring he was also one of the speakers at a "Colored Ratification Meeting" on April 21, 1870, which celebrated the adoption of the Fifteen Amendment, which had been proclaimed on March 30, 1870, thus, on paper, at least, completing the freedom, equality, and enfranchisement of fonner slaves.
Following enfranchisement of blacks by the Fifteenth Amendment Barquet "sharpened his trusty sabre"43 for election politics in Galesburg. and there were indications that local politicians were quite aware of his political ambitions and of his local political influence. In July of 1871 the Republican reported that this "gallant soldier"--"formerly sergeant major'of the famous fifty-fourth (colored) infantry, will probably be a candidate for sheriff next year. "44 The following month he was a "delegate" to the colored national convention" at St. Louis.45 He was active in consolidating the bloc of black citizens.46 which claimed to have three hundred and ten registered voters in the city, of which statistic the candidates should "take notice and govern themselves accordingly."47 They formed "an equal rights league"48 and late in March of 1872 the "colored voters" met in their Baptist church and agreed to support a slate of five candidates for city offices from Mayor to "street commissioner. "49
Other events did not keep faith with the intentions of the 14th and 15th amendments to the constitution. In May of 1870. less than a month after blacks had celebrated the ratification of the 15th amendmen~ "Mr." Joseph H. Barquet was kept off the jurors' list for Knox County. The Galesburg Republican editorialized on the incident as follows: ' II

We learn that the name of Mr. Joseph H. Barquct, a prominent colored citizen of this city. was rejected from the list of jurors by the board of supervisors now in session at Knoxville. Colored men have been appointed jurors in the strongest democratic counties in the state, and it certainly seems strange that the old guard of the abolition county of Knox should be the first to reject the colored man's privileges as established by law. It is said that this action was brought about by the influence of the leading supervisor of this city. but as we believe in justice and fair play we will withhold comment until we give the gentleman an opportunity to explain his somewhat incomprehensible conduct As a matter ofright it may be as well to state that Mr. Barquct's name was proposed by a democratic supervisor, Dr.
J. M. Morse of this city. The Republicans should be on their guard, as it seems part of the tactics of the leading democrats in this region to become still more radical than the old line republicans. It is time that the colored man should receive his full rights and privileges, and no one should understand that fact bener than those who profess to be leaders in the republican party, either il\Galesburg or elsewhere.50
The warning of the editor, Col. Clark E, Carr, Galesburg postmaster, local leader of the pany, was apparently heeded, In October of 1871 his newspaper noted:
1. D. Davis, an estimable colored citizen, is one of the petit jurors at this tenn of coun.51
Barquet's most enduring contribution to the status of blacks in Galesburg had to do with the public schools. The original ideals of the founders of the college colony had obviously not been sustained in the growing city that was passing under the control of another generation, most of whom were not related to the colonists or had not inherited their sense of a reforming mission.52 The need for education aplong the blacks was greatly increased as the "contrabands" during the war greatly enlarged their proportion of blacks in the city's population, They approached the school board in July, 1863, and that body agreed that if the "colored people would furnish a suitable room for the purJX>se at their own expense" the board would furnish a teacher and cover the other expenses for conducting a school.53 Apparently a place was found in an "old post-office" on South Broad Street.S4 Mary Allen West, who had been teaching in the "Colton Building" at the northwest comer of the public square. offered to teach in this separate "colored school" and it opened accordingly in September of 1863.55 Miss West was only beginning the career of reforming causes that was eventually to give her a national reputation. She was the daughter of one of the leaders who founfed Galesburg, was a graduate of the Knox Seminary and had taught in the Knox Academy. For a year and a half, "working under great difficulties" she taught this "colored school." in which she often had over a hundred pupils, "of all ages"'. •
12
Unfortunately segregation of blacks in public schools became an established fact by the end ofthe Civil War. When the Galesburg board provided a teacher for the rapidly growing population of fugitives in September of 1863, it resolved that "the colored children
in the district are expected to attend the school prepared for them, and no other.ltS7 In
1866{67 there were "colored schools" in three locations in the city. At that time the
superintendent and the board tried the "experiment" of employing black teachers for these schools. The result was not satisfactory; eight different "colored teachers"taught, each for only very short periods of time.58 The strong influence that the colleges might still exel1
in the public school affairs is exemplified by the membership of this committee: one was
Professor John Van Ness Standish of Lombard College; another was Professor George
Churchill, Principal of the Knox Academy. On the school board Churchill represented the
60
Sixth Ward,59 where the Simmons School was located.By 1868 there were two "colored schools" which situation was to remain for several years. In 1867 one of Professor Churchill's fonner students at the Knox Academy.
Emily E. Lockwood, became principal of this Simmons Street school..t The second separate school for black pupils was the East Main Street School..2 In addition to these . two schools there were, in 1870, six public "ward schools" and an "American German school with about sixty pupils. "63 Baxquet, who even before the war had protested segregation in one of the schools out in the county,64 now became a leader in the agitation for opening the public schools
equally to black students. He lived in the Sixth Ward6S and his children undoubtedly went
to the Simmons Street School. The Superintendent of the Galesburg schools at this time
was Junius B. Robens, who had been graduated from Knox College in 1855, having
attended for six years. He then served as a Tutor and Assistant Instructor in the Knox
Preparatory depanment for eight years. From 1862 until 1874 be was Superintendent of
tbe Galesburg public schools. A history ofthe Galesburg schools portrays him as a
progressive and innovative administrator among whose other "experiments" were "the
colored school, the German school, the ungraded school for truants and uncorrigibles, the
night school" as well as unprecedented additions to the high school curriculum. 66 But the
black population in Galesburg were distressed over their place in the public school system.
Near the time of the opening of the school year for 1870n I, on Monday evening,
September II, the "colored citizens of Galesburg presented a petition to the board of
education . .. asking that their children be allowed to attend the nearest public schools in
the respective wards."'7 When the petition was tabled by the board, Clark E. Carr,
"Colonel" "Postmaster" Editor and Publisher of the Republican. noted:
, . 13
... even in Galesburg there is strong opposition to blending the races.68
i
Barquet was a leader among those who would not let the issue remain "tabled." On
the evening of Monday. January 22. 1871. "a meeting of the colored people of the city was
held at the sixth ward school house ... for the PUIpOse of taking such action as would be
necessary to give the colored children of the city. equal advantages with the white children
in education." Superintendent Roberts and the two board members who were present are
credited by the Republican with "remarks"; "speeches were made by J. H. Barquet and
several others." In an editorial. aark E. Carr wrote strongly in suppon of the rights of the
"colored children":
... there are those who say that the blacks have no rights in the schools. In regard to the q\\cstion of right, no position can be more absurd in the light of the present
status of the colored people. They are today as much citizens of the republic as they would bave been had they been born white and grown up with all the privileges
given to the whites. and the fact that they are black, or that many of them were for a long time held in slavery, has nothing to do with the question . ... It will not do to argue that by certain statutes of lllinois none but white children can enjoy the benefits of the school money. Those laws were enacted when no negro could vote in the state, and when it was the accepted law of the nation as expounded by the
highestjudiciaJ tribunal that a negro had no rights which a white man was bound to
respect.69
Carr did suggest that the "colored people" not insist on their rights "for the present":
We... believe that it would be far better for the colored people themselves, if they would send their children to schools composed of all their own people-oat least for the present the colored children would be undoubtedly happier and would probably accomplish more in their studies; but it is absurd for us in Galesburg to attempt to
deny their equal rights with white children in our public schools.70
Early in October of the same year "Captain" Barquet infonned the Republican that
"the colored people" ofGalesburg had raised $200 "for the PUIpOse of employing lawyers
to test the question as to the admission of their children into the public schools. "71 Three
weeks later Carr gave editorial support to the suggestion that this "vexed question" be settled by a referendum at the election "next November"72 which was hardly consistent
with the high constitutional principles he had cited earlier. And Barquet argued that such
action in effect asked the people "to pass by a vote upon the constitution of the United States." He chided the editor of the Republican for his endorsement of a referendum:
Editor RepubUcan: You win admit us as a pan of the people to say that in the question of the schools, with the Reaister, you have done us wrong. As a part of the American people, we claim nothing more than what belongs to us. We have
petitioned to the board ofeducation for our children to be admitted to the public 14
schools with other children. OUT petition has been thrown under the table, and when colored men ask for places for their children, Mr. Roberts answers that the board of education have given him no power to act. The question now is whether the people ofGalesburg have a right to pass by a vote upon the constitution ofthe United States or the State oflllinois. We do not wish to make any difficulty that cannot be mel We are citizens of this great republic; we poll as many votes as the German population, and we ask for rights and nothing more th.lJl belongs to
citizens.73
About two weeks later lawyers, "Messrs, Clark and Leech" did argue the question at a school board meeting. "making." a reponer agreed, "able arguments ... in favor ofthe admission ofcolored children to the schools." The reporter was, however, somewhat satirical about "the discussion that lasted till midnight"74
Henry Clarke, esq., who seems to believe that prolixity is legal argument occupied more than half an hour in saying that the public schools were closed against the colored children, and that they demanded the right ofadmission....
The second lawyer for the cause of the "colored children" was conspicuous for his "most elegant necktie."
In a speech of inftnite pathos [he] corrununicated the startling intelligence that if the colored children are refused admission to the public schools the members of the board of education can be fined one thousand dollars each....75
This speaker was probably Edwin Hatch Leach,7. a graduate from Knox College in 1869, who ~adjust fmished two years at the Harvard law school and was now beginning his legal career in the city, His father, with whom he still resided at this time, was a trustee of Knox College.77
The next speech was made by Captain Barque!:
It was eloquent. and gave due credit to the American eagle and the spirit of Liberty.78
The board avoided any direct response by voting to postpone "the whole subject" until the first regular meeting of the board "subsequent to the winter session of the legislature, or until some general law be enacted" But the lawyers "Messrs Clarke and Leache" before the meeting adjourned gave notice:
that Richard Worthington et. al. intended to make application to Judge A. A. Smith for a writ of mandamus directing the aoolition. by the board of education, ofall 15
distinction of color in the admission of the children of said applicants in the'public schoois.79 ­Commenting
on this school board meeting Col. Carr's Republican editorialized again for the rights of the colored children:
The colored people are as much citizens of this city. and state. and nation as any of us ... ; and no congress. legiSlature, or board ofeducation has the right to make any distinctions between citizens .... The amendments to the constitution of the United States and the new constitution of Illinois have settled this question . forever.80
How wrong he would be in this Olympian conclusion, the editor could hardly know, or for how long. The black citizens of Galesburg now resorted to direct action. Early in January of 1872
There were twenty-five colored children who marched into the high school. and demanded admission to the high school and 10 the other schools of the city. Mr. Roberts took their names and places where they resided last tenn and told them that he had no authority to pennit them to attend any other school than that they attended last tenn. There were also several colored men who came in behalf of their children. They were requested by Mr. Roberts to appear before the board of education .. . and make their requests to the supreme authority.8t
At the next meeting the board, "after considerable discussion" referred the "colored children" back to the schools they had been attending.
In October of 1872 the Board finally voten to accept the principle that the children of "colored citizens ... ought to receive equally with the white children the benefits of a common school education." Superintendent Roberts was directed to admit "colored children of tender years ... to schools other than those set apart for them" in cases where these schools were "remote" from the homes of the children.82 The leadership in getting this relaxing of the rule requiring separate schools came from Fred A. Willoughby, a young attorney, who had succeeded Professor Churchill as the board member from the Sixth Ward, the former having become the member from the First Ward in June of 1872.83
In practice complete desegregation was delayed for another three years. A Fourth Ward School was listed in August of 1874 as "Colored." Miss H. Collyer was the teacher. There was in this Fourth ward another school with a Principal and four other teachers.84 Not until 1874 did the General Assembly of Illinois act to "assure that colored children ... be equally admitted to the public schools. "8S Aboll[ the same time that this law was enacted the Simmons School, on the night of February 26, 1874, was "totally destroyed by fire" 16
presumably from an over-heated stove.86 The school was then relocated in the Monmouth
Street schoolhouse. When that also burned on April 3, 1874, the pupils were "distributed"
to other schools. The Simmons School was not rebuilt.81 <The remaining "colored school" on East Main Street, was still in existence in
March of 1875, when a School Board report indicated that it had twenty-one students" But at the end of the school year it was abandoned, and with this acrion by the Board segregation by law ended in the Galesburg school system .• 9
Meanwhile, there had been a concurrent discussion over the admiSSIon of blacks to
the Galesburg High School. A debate by the Adelphi Society of Knox college showed that
this was an issue in the community at least as early as the autumn of 1871,90 IN January
of 1873 the School Board considered an "application of Miss Belle Allen, colored, for
admission in High School building." The board adopted this resolution, which, it should.
be noted, presumed that the lower schools were still segregated:
Resolved, that in all cases where the colored children have passed beyond the grade
ofthe schools set apart for them, they be admitted to such other schools as are of
suitable grade for such scholars.91
Miss Belle Allen would be the first black srudentto be graduated from the Galesburg High •
school. When this occurred in 1881 a number of "leading citizens" desired that the
President of Knox College make a special award at the ceremonies. but the Superintendent
objected and the award was made privately:
Miss Belle Allen, whose name appears in the list of graduates. is a prominent
colored lady ofthis city, and is the fmt of her race to be graduated by the
Galesburg High school. She graduated with merited honors. Some sixty or
seventy of our leading citizens. desirous of showing their appreciation of her
successful school career, and the example she has set as how to secure a proper
recognition of her race purchased a valuable gold watch and chain and presented
them to her as mementos of Graduation Day. It was intended to have presented
these beautiful and valuable gifts at an appropriate time during the exercises Friday
with an address by Dr. Bateman, but for some reason, Superintendent Andrews
,
objected, and the plan was abandoned. We, in common with the donors, fail to see
how any objection could be taken to a public presentation as intended. She was the
only colored graduate, and tbe class could have felt no slight, and would have
appreciated the significance of·the gifl92
The lack ofpreparatory schooling kept blacks from going to college. Furthennore,
at a private school, such as Knox, tuition fees or equivalent scholarship subsidies were
required. lOough blacks were welcome at Knox, there were never more at one time than
one, two or three, and these as students in Academy. The case of "Barnabas Root" was
t 17
exceptional. He was the protege of Knox alumni who. because of sickness, had returned to the United States from a mission station in West Africa. He had been "Fahrna Yakmy" but by baptism became "Barnabas RooL" He entered the Knox Academy in 1864 and six yean; lateT became a Bachelor of the Liberal Arts, the first black persoo in the state of Illinois to be graduated from college. During his later yean; as a student he lived on the campus, but earlier he resided in a pan of town where black residents were concentrated.93 In a letter to an officer of the American Missionary Association, which had helped to finance his schooling, he made these thoughtful observations about the experience with prejudice of American blacks.
Galesburg, 111. Sep 23rd 1868
Mr. Whipple
Dear Sir:
. . . In regard to the influence and effect of the prevailing feeling [of] prejudice of which you desire an expression of my thought; . . . I have felt it very keenly since I have been here and more so during the past year being perhaps IJK)re exposed to it than hitherto. . .. ] have asked God to show me my duty in this matter and to keep me a humble Christian out from that blighting degrading feeling of self abasement which I see in almost every onc of my race in this country. the legitimate effects of this feeling.
One great cause of this feeling I think with many is unacquaintance with us or rather not being accustomed to come in daily and familiar contact with the blacks on the part of the whites. I have found that among my fellow srudents who entertained much of this feeling when I first came here lost at least much of it I think not for what I have done but as the natural result of better acquaintance. I think: in this way much can be done to help do away with it
Yours Sincerely Barnabas Root94
Did Joseph Barquet also endure "that blighting degrading feeling of self-abasement" which Root noticed in "almost everyone of my race in this. country .. : the legitimate effect of this . . . prevailing feeling of prejudice. "7
So long as he lived in Galesburg9S Barquet remained a spokesman for the black community. He was regarded as the "colored Demosthnes ofGalesburg.·'96 who performed regularly at the annual Emancipation Day festivities in August.97 In March of 1874 he was the speaker in Jacksonville.·minois for Fifteenth Amendment day.98 In August of 1876 he was the orator at an Emancipation Day celebration in Chicago,99 18
But already in April of 1871 it was reported that Barquet felt that he was "not properly appreciated in Galesburg. "100 Perhaps there was something panicularly disillusioning. after other humiliating disappointments. alxmt his political activities in the spring of 1872. When he and his family moved away from Galesburg to Chicago at this time. it was said that "Joseph proposed to pursue the duties of brick mason and let politics alone in his new location"IOI
There was great need in Chicago for masons such as Barquet. for the great fire of October 8-9, 1871 had destroyed about 18,000 buildings and left about 90,000 homeless. But two months later he was back in Galesburg, again disillusioned. for in Chicago trade union discrimination kept him from making a living. About this embittering experience the RC(gublican editorialized as follows:
The case of Joseph H. Barquet. who has lately returned to this city from Chicago, is onc of peculiar aggravation. He went to Chicago early in the spring, and being an excellent brick-layer readily obtained employment at five dollars a day. Through the action of the trades unions he was thrown out of his employment, and though on three different occasions he offered to join the union of brick-layers he was rejected on the ground that no colored man could be admitted. This foul prejudice becomes at once brutal and depraved when the colored man is debarred from earning bread by the sweat of his brow for his wife and children. A mob is fiendish in its instincts, even though it chooses to call itself a trade union. t02
Back in Galesburg, Barquet and his family had a difficult time. To supplement his work as a mason and brick-layer, he went into the white-washing business; and the leading newspaper of the city urged: "Patronize him. "103 Later that year "Captain" Barquet requested the newspaper to publish a notice "that no person whomsoever has the least possible authority to solicit conoibutions in aid of his family, pecuniary or otherwise."104
In September 1871 Antony Jackson Pertcet, now living in Chicago, killed his wife and attempted suicide. This was the man who had been Barquet's business partner in Galesburg from 1858 to 1863 and who had enlisted with him in the Fifty-founh Regiment of Massachusetts in April of 1863.105 It was at the very least embarrassing to Barquet, as the Pertect case dragged on. He was thrice condemned to be hanged by the local courts of Chicago, his sentence was confirmed by the Illinois Supreme Court,106 and he was hanged in Joliet on December 12, 1873.107
Barquet also came to have his own troubles with the law. On a Monday afternoon in late October of 1874 he was arrested for drunkeness. released on his bond. and then rearrested and fined when he cursed the officer who had taken him to jail.1OS The following February, his son James pled guilty to larceny and was sentenced to two years in the refonn school.109 19
Cenainly some citizens in the city would have regarded it as a sign ofdeterioration ofcharacter that Barquet changed his politics. In 1872 he had campaigned for the Republican party in west central lllinois.110 He may also have spent some time stumping for "true Republicanism" in the South; cenainly it was planned that he should do SO.111 But when the next Presidential campaign occurred. in 1876, he spoke at a Democratic political meeting in Galesburg,lIl and when the outcome of that contest remained uncertain, he was one of a number of "colored" people who participated in a pro-Tilden meeting in the Opera House, in January, 1877.113
What mllst truly have hun Barquet to the quick was the racial discrimination shown in the treatment of black war veterans. Great national political potency developed in organizations such as the G.A.R. (Grand Atmy of the Republic) which was organized in Decatur,lllinois in April, 1866.
For at least half a dozen years after the Civil War there was some son of military organization for the "colored" citizens ofGalesburg. At a celebration of "emancipation day" August I, 1870, a "colored zouave company of forty muskets turned out on parade."114 The following spring "the colored national guard of Galesburg" was being "rapidly recruited" and was preparing for the parade on the Fourth ofJuly. The RepubliCan called them "Our Colored Defenders" and jokingly conunented:
... we feel confident that if the College city should ever be besieged by the heathen Chinese or Feejee Islanders, that the colored troops will be foremost in every sortie.IIS
Captain Barquet's military role came in for othe~ humorous references,tt6 and it was observed at mid-March of 1872 that one indication of approaching spring was "that Captain Joseph H. Barquet has donned regimentals and parades the street in military style."lt7
Obviously this humour was condescending. but even this degree of tolerance was lacking by many veterans when the "colored troops" refused to march in a separate "detachment" in the Memorial Day parade of 1870. A "White Republican Soldier" sent the following complaint to the RCj?ublicao:
The soldiers who participated in the procession as soldiers on Decoration Day would not have made in numbers a respectable sergeant's squad. But for one cause there would have been a battalion of white troops in line, and a better feeling altogether would have prevailed. Lest there be any doubt that I am not understood I will say distinctly that the colored troops who officiously "mixed in" or were pushed into the ranks by their special champions. kept scores of white soldiers outside the procession. I am perfectly aware that it is unpopular to say this -I suppose that many who hate the Irish. the Dutch. the Swedes or somebody else that is white, will hold up their hands in pious horror on account of this declaration. - - - -
20
Cluistians of the straightest sect will tell us that all are alike before God, and moral refonn politicians will tell us that the law of the land has made the African the equal and peer of the paleface. Admitting all this to be true, and also admitting the
solemnity of the occasion, still I must be allowed to give it as my opinion that the action of the sable and tawny heroes in thrusting themselves forward was decidedly
premature and in exceedingly bad taste. Ifthe colored men who had borne anns in defence ofthe republic were desirous ofpaying honor to the dead soldiers they
would have displayed far more sense and judgment by marching as a separate squad or detachment. Hundreds
ofmen who followed the old flag in danger and peril did so without having negro
comrades, and it is not to be expected that they will march with them now. If our colored fellow-citizens are desirous of being soldiers I am petfecdy willing that they shall wheel. march and counter-march to their hearts' content, but it would certainly
look a great deal bener if they will perform their evolutions solely among
themselves. I am perfectly willing to admit. for the sake of argument, that they 'fought nobly: but I am not willing to have a robust and lusty colored warrior for a comrade on a hot and dusty day--no matter what the opinions of others may be. IIS
When the next Decoration day, of 1871 , arrived, the "colored veterans" were not in
the parade. It was explained that the "Committee on Arrangements" had appointed a cenain
black soldier as "officer of the detachment" but they refused to march except under the command of "Captain" Joseph H. Barquet.119
Five years later, as the Fourth ofJuly of 1876 drew near, there were elahorate
preparations for the celebration of the Centenary ofthe Republic. On July First the
Republican Rc&ister published a story that was two full columns in length, describing the
plans oflocal committtees for the festivities of Independence Day. At the very end of that
story, at the bottom of the second column, appearing almost as an afterthought, occurred
these three lines:
Joseph Barquet (colored) made quite a good speech, pleading the right of
his race to celebrate. although as the youngest child it had been placed away in the
cradle.120
This was the last time that the local paper presented Barquet as a sJX>kesman
for the black citizens of Galesburg. Indeed, he disappeared from the local scene. City
directories after 1876 do not list him as a resident. Research has not located him elsewhere. It is not likely that he made a second effort to work as a mason in Chicago. where four years earlier, white unions kept him from pursuing his craft Did he again work on a steamboat on the Mississippi River, as he had briefly in 1874. 121 Research by local historians on this question of the relocation of Barquet is invited! 21
Notes
1Luis F. Emilio, History altha Fifty Fourth Regiment of MassachuseUs Volunteer Regiment. 1863-1865 (Boslon. 1891). p. 32. 2Eneyc!opedja Brittanjca (1967), III, p. 991. 3Emilio, ap, cit" pp. 31-34. 4Hermann A. Muelder Fighters for Freedom (New York, 1959). pp. 302-304. ' ....
SEmilo,'1., pp. VIIHX.
op. 'I "
SOely one Galesburg black, Dennis Fletcher, is named In the rolls of those recruited under the authority of the state of Illinois (Adjutant General of Illinois, Report 1861­~vol. VIII. pp. 7n-820). See also the volume on the Civil War period in the Centennial History of Illinois; Arthur Cole, The era of the Civil War 1848­1lIZ.
ll. (Springfield. 1919). p. 282.
Lewis Carter who arrived as a fugitive from the vicinity of Palmyra, Missouri in July of 1863 when he was thirteen years old, reported as follows about others who came to Galesburg about the same time:
Many families came from the south during and after the war, which increased the colored population of Galesburg and Knox county very materially. Aaron Welcome and his wife, Sarah, came in 1862... . In 1863 he, with William Webster, John Davis, and several others, enlisted in the Union army (Albert J. Perry, History of Knox County. Illinois. [Chicago. 1912[. p. 763).
7Emilio, ap, cit" p. 11.
SEmilio, QD. cit .. p. 10.
9Muelder,Ejghters fpr Freedom. pp. 341·342.
10Emilio, Op t cit .. pp. 10·12.
11 The roster of the regiment appears in Emilio, PQ. cit,. pp. 328·388.
120ne from Chicago in Company F and one from Quincy in Company K.
13For the roster of Company H see Emilio, ag. cjt.. pp. 373·78. The Illinois sokjier in this company who did not come from either Chicago or Galesburg came from Kishwaukee. near Rockford. 22
14Sarquet was pronounced "Barkay" perhaps. See the rhyme in a note in the Galesburg Republican Register, Aug. 23, 1873. p. 1. The other men enlisted in Galesburg were: Reuben Caldwell, John Davis. John W. Dickinson, Hiram Garnet. George Hubbard, Henry Kirk, William Tims, Clay Welcome. Samuel Wells, Joseph H. White, and Preston Williams. These are the twelve men listed as from Galesburg in the roster published in the "official" history of the 54th regiment by Emilio.
In 1876 in a "Galesburg History" by George Churchill (Republican. Register, Aug. 5, 1876, pp. 2-3), there is a much longer listing of "colored", twenty-seven men from Galesburg enrolled in the 54th Massachusetts Regiment. Ftve of these men, other than those listed by Emilio as from Galesburg, can be identified in the roster of Company H as given by Emilio, but they are listed from places outside the state of Illinois. The author has no explanation for this discrepancy.
According to Churchill's source, another four men from Galesburg enlisted in the 29th Illinois Colored Cavalry and twelve in the 29th U.S. Colored Infantry. Fifteen more enlisted in the First Iowa Colored Infantry. This Iowa Regiment was designated later as the "60th United Slates Regiment of African Descent." S. H. M. Byers, Iowa in War Tjmes (Des Moines, 1 BBB), p, 56B.
The total number of "colored" soldiers from Galesburg, according to Churchill's "History" was fifty-eight, there being 554 soldiers altogether. The number as well as the proportion of black men enlisting is very high . In 1860 the census listed only 89 Negroes In Gak3sburg. Many of the enlistments must have come from fugitives who gathered in Galesburg during the war, by way of Missouri particularly.
1SGaiesburg Republican , Sept. 23, 1871 , p. 1.
161n the Republican for May 13, 1871, p. 1, there is this note: "Captain Barque! will accept the mission to San Domingo. The gallant Captain is a native of Hay1i, we believe."
17Knox County, Illinois census return. July 23, 1860. In this census record 8arquet's age is recorded as thiry-four, which does not agree with age of forty in his military record for 1863.
18Galesburg Free Democrat. June 15, 1860. Saluda was a small town on the railroad about half way between Galesburg and Abingdon. See map in Dewey's County Directory (Galesburg, 1 B6B).
19Muelder, Fighters for Freedom, pp. 219-220.
20 Emilio, oQ. cit .. p. 144.
21 Emilio, o~.• chapter one .eLali..s..
22The roster of Company H gives these details regarding service experiences of individuals.
23President's Order Number 262. 23
24Words, anonymous. Irwin Silber, ed.. Songs of Ihe Civil War (New York, 1960), pp.
293·295. See appendix for words and music.
25Emillo, op, cjl" pp. 377-378.
26Lewis C. Carter, "The Negro Race" In Perry. History of Knox Coynty, vol. I, pp. 761·
766. Carter was himself one of these fugitives. 27Arthur Cole, The era of the Clyil War, p. 333.
28Cole, op, cjL p. 335. 29illil1..
30lllil1.. pp. 335-336.
31AmericaD Misslpnary, April 1865, p. 84. See also another report by the same missionary, Rev. William Holmes, in the issue for June 1863, pp. 133-134.
32Cole, op, clL 336.
33Statjsttcs of the U,S, Ninth Census. June 1870, p. 114.
34Contemporary newspapers, during August, regularly reported these events. The emancipation of blacks in the English West Indies, without the Inhuman dislocations that pro-slavery advocates had predicted. was often cited by abolitionists in the United States as an argument for abolishing slavery in the United States.
35Silber, SOngS of the Cjyil War , pp. 267-99.
36There were Methodist and Baptist churches with black memberships In Galesburg at
this time.
37Galesburg Republican , April 16, 1870, p. 1; April 23, 1870, p. 4.
38l11il1.. April 23, 1870, p. 4.
39illil1..
40These titles are used in the several newspaper articles cited Immediately beklw.
41Galesburg Free press, Dec. 24, 1869, p. 3.
42l11il1., Dec. 22, 1869, p. 2. 24
43Sapublleln. March 18, 1871, p. 1. Blacks participated In illinois elections for the first tima on April 5, 1870 (Cole, pp. 337·338.
44il1Jl1. July 22, 1871, p. 3.
45il1Jl1., Augusl 19, 1871, p. 1. 46il1Jl1.• Mareh 16, 1972, p. 1.
49il1Jl1., March 30, 1872.
50Bepybllcan, May 14, 1870. p. 4.
51 ilIJl1.. Oct. 8, 1871, p. I.
52Muelder, Fighlers for Freedom, pp. 81 , 181-182, 230·239, 240, 331·332. An
editorial I" the Republican Register of September 19. 1874, p. 6, commented on the
decline of "abolitionism· spirit in Galesburg. The occasion was the indifference of
Whiles 10 a "colored" Baptist convention In Ihe elty.
53William Lucas Steele. Galesbym Public SchOOls, Their Hlslory and Wods, 1861­1911
(Galesburg, III.. 1911), p. 41.
54il1Jl1., p. 42.
55il1Jl1., p. 41.
58Chas. C. Chapman, & Co., Hlston-of Knox County, Illinois (Chicago, 1878), p. 414.
57Steele, gp, cit.. p. 42.
58e. A. Williams, "8 colored man" taught a ·colored school In the south room of the Monmouth Street school." He was on the teacher list for only two months. February
1866 10 March 1886 Steele, p. 286). Elizabeth Mitchum, "a colored woman" taught In a "colored school for two months. November 1866 to December 1866." lbllI.• p. 42.
59The South Ward comprised "all that portion of the city lying north of South Street and
west of West Street to the limits" (Holland's Galesburg Ctty Pirectory for 18Z0, p. 22).
Churchill represented the Sixth Ward from June 1861 to June 1872 (Steele, gp, ell.. pp. 272·273). During the sixties, when he was so Influential In reshaping public schools In Galesburg, he resided on West Main Street, one door west of Academy Street, -
25
slightly more than one bkX:k from the Simmons Street School (Dewey's Directory. , ,
1868. p. 174).
BOrha Simmons School was on the north side of Simmons Street. east of Academy Street
(Steele, gp, cil" p. 219).
61 Emily E. Lockwood was listed in the Academy section of the Knox Calalooye for
1851/52, from Serwlch, and again for 1856/57, but now from Galesburg. She taught
In the Galesburg schools from 1867 to 1879 (Steele, gp, cjL p. 281). She is mentioned
as principal of the Simmons School in the Dewey's DIrectory of Knox County for 1868
(page 207), which was published late in 1867.
62At the southwest corner of Main and Pine (Steele, cp, cll., p. 219).
63Hplland's Directory. p. 21.
64Sug[a.
6SPen),'s Directory ... 1868, p. 165. locates his reskktnce on Maple Avenue. four
doors north of North Street. Even without racial discrimination, most of the Galesburg
schools were descrtbed in a city directory as ·small, uncomfortable, incommodious, and
not half large enough to seat the children of the respective wards (Holland's Directory,
p. 21). In the case of the Simmons school it had been necessary from September, 1865
to January, 1867 to operate two distinct schools. one in the morning and one in the
afternoon (Steele, gp, cit., p. 15).
6681&elo, Opt cit., p. 560.
67Galesburg aepublican,September 17, 1870, p. I.
68lbll!.
69lbll!. Jan. 28, 1871, p. 4.
70lbll!.
71 lbll!., Oct. 17, 1871, p. 1.
72lbll!., Oct. 28, 1871 , p. 6.
73lbll!.
74lbll!., Nov. 18, 1871 , p. 3.
75il11l1.
26
76Unfortunately, a crease in the available copy of the Republican for this date has obliterated the name of this speaker.
77Holland's Galesbum City Directory for 18l0n1 identifies him as a "student" boarding with Clement Leach.
78Sepublican. Nov. 18, 1871, p. 2.
79Jllid.
8olllill., p. 4.
81lllill.• Jan. 13, 1872, p. 1.
82The resolutions are printed in full in Steele, op. cit" pp. 44·45.
83Steele, op. cit. p. 272.
84Bepubljcan Register. Aug. 29, 1874, p. 1.
85Sepybllcan,Segjster, March 28. 1674, p. 1. The law forbade school directors. boards of education, from excluding "any child ... from any school, on account of color"
(1IlilW ,
86lllill .• February 28, 1874, p. 1.
87Steele, aQ. cjt., p. 46.
88Sepubljcan,Begjstec, March 13, 1875, p. 5.
89Steele, Opt cit, p. 46.
90Adelphi Program Minutes. MS .• Nov. 1, 1871, Knox College Archives. 91 This resolution had been offered by Director Willoughby (Republican Register. Jan.
18, 1873, p. 1).
92Republican Register. June 11, 1881 , p. 6. Superintendent Andrews, who had succeeded Roberts in 1874, came to Galesburg from the Macomb school system.
93Hermann R. Muelder, Missionaries and Muckrakers: The First Hundred Years of Knox College (Urbana, 1984) pp. 47-48.
94lllid.. p. 49. -
27
95Joseph Barquet, -(col) mason,-is listed as residing on the west side of Monroe street six doors north of North street in Beasley's Galesburg Directory for 1877-78 (Galesburg. 1877). p. 42. Holland's Directory as published in 1879 and in 1882 does not list anyone with that name. Neither does the Colyjlle D!reClor,y for 1883 and 1885.
96SsDubl!can Register. March 28. 1874, p. 1.
97lhili .• Aug. 9, 1873, p. 3; July ", 1874, p. 1; Aug. 1874, p. 3; Aug. 7, 1875, p. 6.
98lhili., March 18, 1874, p. 1.
99lhili., July 15, 1876, p. 1.
lOOlhili., July 29, 1871, p. 1.
101lhili .• April 27,1872, p. 1.
102Sepublican . June 29,1872. p. 6
103Sepublican Register. April 24, 1873, p. 1.
104lhili .• Aug. 23, 1873, p. 1.
105Bepubljcan, Sept. 23, 1871. p. 1.
106Sepyblican, Dec. 30. 1871, p. 4; Republican Regjster, Nov. " 1873. p. 4.
107Republican Register, Dec. 20, 1873, p. 1; Dec. 27, 1873, p. 6.
108lhili.. Ocl. 31, 1874, p. 1.
109lhili .• Feb. 20, 1875, p. 6.
110Republican. Oct. 19, 1872, p. 1; Oct. 31, 1872, p. 1.
'l'lhili.• July 13, 1872, p. 1; July 20, 1872, p. 8.
112Bepublicao Register, Sept. 23, 1876, p. 4.
113lhili., Jan. 6, 1877, p. 5.
114Bepublican, August 6, 1870, p. 1.
115lhili., May 6, 1871 , p. 1. 28
11688& the reference to ·Captain Barquet's baUeryR in a humorous story in the
Republican. May 18, 1872, p. 50. 11711lli1.. March 16, 1872, p. 1. 11811lli1.• June 4, 1870, p. 4. 11911lli1.• June 3, 1871, p. 1. 120Illli1., July 1, 1876, p. 1.
121 Republican Register, Sept. 5, 1874, p. 1.
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